Paper -a:
Jómsvíkinga saga states only very briefly that this band of Vikings is famous for its raids and warrior life. But the fact that they were offered their home estate by a frightened king and their particular relation to the King of Denmark leave plenty of room for speculation concerning their active role in the Baltic Sea region. The German reception of this saga applied much fantasy when making ideological and propagandistic use of it, and like any aspect contained, the question of ruling power was subject to such. This paper will demonstrate those attempts to construct a power factor: As the idea of plain raiding terror seemed unsatisfying, a petty kingdom of Vikings was implied – and from here it was but a small step to imagining ambitions to establish an empire at eye level with Denmark that was going to invade Norway on its own behalf.
Paper -b:
The mass Pecheneg incursions into Byzantium at the 11th century were a milestone in Byzantine history. Many elements of an image of Pechenegs ('Scythians') in Byzantine literature at this period reflect an idealizing and mythopoeic mentality of Rhomaioi and their view on the ideal enemy that being embodied in the literary portraits of emperors and Byzantine Kaiseridee as whole. A juxtaposition of 'Sun-Emperor' and 'Sun-Christ' in Byzantium strikingly resembles that of Old Persian Sun king at the Naurōz feast. The ever recurring image of the emperor as the Sun who brings warmth and light to the own citizens and withering fire to the enemies. To all appearances a key for 'le mirage scythique' of Byzantine literature can be found in Old Iranian tradition, in which the destructive power of wild 'Scythians' are opposed to the creative power of civilized 'Persians' and their king.
Paper -c:
This paper will deal with the sometimes highly different approaches of contemporary Greek sources to their representations of the Staufers. This German dynasty vied with the Byzantine Roman Emperors for the leadership of Christendom, even though the driving force behind both empires was Realpolitik. It is particularly interesting that Niketas Choniates did not choose to assert the Byzantine Roman emperors' universalistic claims within his representation of Staufers such as Barbarossa and Henry VI. This might reflect disillusionment with the Byzantine Roman imperial ideal and with the emperors of the time and represent a move away from a previous sense of self-confidence.
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