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IMC 2014: Sessions

Session 525: The Evils of Empire

Tuesday 8 July 2014, 09.00-10.30

Moderator/Chair:Sieglinde Hartmann, Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft, Frankfurt am Main
Paper 525-aSubduing Mars: The Representation of Rome in English Writings against War, c. 1330-1430
(Language: English)
Trevor Russell Smith, Institute for Medieval Studies, University of Leeds
Index terms: Historiography - Medieval, Language and Literature - Middle English, Language and Literature - Latin, Political Thought
Paper 525-bThe Castilian Resistance to the Imperial Ideal and the Comunero Revolution, 1520-1522
(Language: English)
István Szászdi, Departamento de Historia, Universidad de Valladolid
Index terms: Law, Political Thought, Politics and Diplomacy
Paper 525-cTo Kill an Emperor: The Legitimacy of Violence and the Politics of (Dis)Integration in Herzog Ernst
(Language: English)
Christopher Liebtag Miller, Berlin Program for Advanced German & European Studies, Freie Universität Berlin
Index terms: Language and Literature - German, Mentalities, Political Thought, Social History
Abstract

Paper -a:
I will argue that the development of English writers' (Chaucer, Hoccleve, Lydgate, et al.) anti-war discourse was influenced by humanistic Roman texts, and that they often inserted their arguments into narratives set in classical times while heavily borrowing from earlier texts. These writers' reuse and representation of ideas of empire and government were used to criticize contemporary governance and the execution of the Hundred Years' War in France by showing how empire and warmongering caused human suffering. Although these English texts have sometimes been seen as benign, they were deliberately, although subversively, critical of contemporary practices.

Paper -b:
In 1520 King Charles convoked Cortes in Santiago of Compostela just before he embarked in Coruña to Flanders from where he would travel to Aachen to be crowned as Emperor. The Castilians held prejudices against Imperial adventures and ambitions as long back the reign of Alphonsus X. Most were monarchists that wished the King would not leave Spain for good naming viceroys to govern in his name. After bribing many representatives of the cities and towns represented in Cortes, the King left Castile were rumors arose going as far as that he was negotiating the sale of the Indies and that he would never return from Germany. The abuses and scandals of the Flemish courtiers close to the King who coveted all the appointments and riches that mostly were legally exclusive of the Castilian vassals. Despair and anger pushed the main cities of the Kingdom to organize a government in 'Comunidad' and to ask Queen Juan the Insane to back their demands and to take power from the hands of her eldest son, Charles of Habsburg. as the Queen hesitated, an elite of the Comuneros started questioning if it was not wise to develop another form as rule following the example of the Italian republics. When all was lost, after the defeat of Villalar, the Comuneros asked help from the King of France and the King of Navarre, but their revolution was quenched by the nobles, that had remained aside until then.

Paper -c:
Positing that medieval narrative may be read as a form of thought experiment presenting a fictive model of society, this paper focuses upon six versions of the Herzog Ernst narrative dating from the high medieval period, which collectively demonstrate the multiplicity of ways in which medieval authors sought to problematize internecine strife. By incorporating new perspectives drawn from recent work in anthropology and the social sciences, the author reveals shifting and ambiguous perspectives towards violence as a means of seeking recompense, arguing that seemingly divergent views did not merely evolve over time, but rather co-existed within the same region, era, and even the same text. Through a close-reading of the narratives' treatment of actions challenging the stability of Herzog Ernst's fictive empire, including violence both within and between kinship-groups, attempted regicide, and even reconciliation, this paper reveals attitudes both varied and contradictory, yet nevertheless united by a vision of imperial integrity and aristocratic practice as fragile in peace as resilient in war.